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K. Michael Prince (anonymous) - Thu Apr 24, 09:06

What Once Was Old is New Again

This past week, German television audiences were offered yet another opportunity to enjoy the sort of portrayal of their collective past once very much in vogue in Germany – and which now seems to be undergoing a revival: that of Germans as victims. ZDF’s prime-time, two-part made-for-tv blockbuster, Die Gustloff, tells the story of the sinking in early 1945 of the former German cruise ship, Wilhelm Gustloff, as it bore thousands of German soldiers and refugees from the clutches of the advancing Red Army to relative safety further west. Since the basic elements of the case were clear – refugees pour in, the ship sails out to sea, where it is attacked by a Soviet submarine and sunk at great loss of life – a good deal of “filler” had to be added to stretch the tale around the movie’s three-hour running time.

One might think that the facts of the story would provide sufficient tragic drama to engage most any audience. But the film’s creators found it necessary to invent a set of appealing lead characters and stock figures to lend the story even more pathos – along with the inevitable romantic sub-plot. Unfortunately, the result is nearly as sluggish as the overburdened Gustloff itself.

In this, Die Gusfloff is much like other recent movie-events of the genre. Over the past several years, Germans have been treated to numerous fictionalized retellings of some of the sadder episodes from their wartime past. The 2006 tv-drama, Dresden, for example, recounted the Allied attack on that city in February of 1945 – as set against the backdrop of a far-fetched romance between a German nurse and a downed RAF bomber crewman. And in 2007 came a story of the German “trail of tears,” entitled Die Flucht, telling the story of a group of Germans fleeing East Prussia in front of the Soviet army.

Taken individually, each of these might be seen as little more than historical (or historicized) fictions: the mining of the German past for modern entertainments. Taken together, however, and especially in combination with other recent films of a similar type, this appears to signal a shift in Germany’s culture of memory as it relates to the German experience in the Second World War. 2005’s 60th anniversary commemorations of the end of that war marked something of a watershed in the way that Germans viewed and depicted their Nazi-era past, as the focus moved from Germany’s victims to Germans as victims. Films like Der Untergang (Downfall), Stalingrad or the innumerable documentaries that ran on German television – along with books such as Joerg Friedrich’s Der Brand (The Fire), detailing the German civilians’ experience under Allied bombing, and Gunter Grass’ Im Krebsgang (Crabwalk), which also dealt with the sinking of the Gustloff – have been welcomed as part of an effort aimed at breaking a so-called “taboo” against commemorating (or even remembering) Germany’s own wartime sufferings and losses. The film Dresden was one of the most expensive productions in the history of Germany’s publicly-funded television networks – and garnered a sizeable share of the tv audience during its two night run. Friedrich’s and Grass’ books became best-sellers in the German market, setting off a wave of publications similarly devoted to distinctly German-focused works. The genre, whether on the page or the big (or little) screen, is popular and it sells.

Aside from the genre’s problematic focus on German suffering to the exclusion of all others – made even more pronounced by the tendency to view the war only from its end – this shift was made even more dubious by the fact that the “taboo” it was supposedly breaking never existed. The early postwar period in Germany was a time of nearly exclusive focus on German woes, German casualties and German losses in war, whether in film, publishing, memorialization (some of which is documented on this site), or everyday conversation. The suffering inflicted on others by Germans was dealt with only marginally, in the main only within academic, artistic and other intellectual circles. Popular memory in West Germany for at least the first fifteen years after the war was given up to exercises in exculpation and self-pity. And even later, when scholarly efforts at digging up the dirt on Germany’s Nazi past were making themselves felt more broadly (especially in official acts of commemoration), strong undercurrents of those earlier ways of remembering remained alive and active.

Contrary to popular impression, even the story of the Wilhelm Gustloff itself was not overlooked. Its story was the subject of a 1959 feature film, entitled Nacht fiel ueber Gotenhafen (Night Fell Over Gotenhafen). Therefore, films like Die Gustloff represent a resurfacing of underlying layers of German memory that may have been merely covered over for a time by other interpretations and depictions. It remains to be seen whether this will turn out to be a temporary phenomenon, or the start of a new re-mixing of the strata of German historical memory.

Note. The University of Leeds held a conference on the subject: “From Perpetrators to Victims? Discourse of ‘German Wartime Suffering’ from 1945 to Present” in 2007 and is now putting together research reports on the topic. Further information at: http://www.leeds.ac.uk:80/german/AHRC.htm
or
http://www.h-net.org/announce/show.cgi?ID=157840
Steve Myers (anonymous) - Wed Mar 12, 02:00

KzS i.R.

To this day, it is not difficult to find a "bare" nerve in the USA South when the topic of the Civil War arises. Some southerners still refer to that terrible wonflict as "the Recent Unpleasantness" or "the War between the states." (Northerners, who, we recall, won that 5 year skirmish, have always named it "the Cvil War.")
Accordingly - and since WWII was so horrible, I am not surprised at German reaction to re-opening the two conflicts.
If the "Never Again" lesson is learned, the German spirit may be granted release from his self-fashioned Perdition.

K. Michael Prince (anonymous) - Wed Mar 12, 08:04

what's in a name

Just as a historical footnote, the official name for the American Civil War, as adopted by the U.S. War Department, was "The War of the Rebellion." This title accords with Lincoln's view that the South had never left the Union, and was only in rebellion against it.
mhatlie - Wed Mar 12, 23:39

My understanding of the development of German public memory over time is a bit like this: During the early postwar period, the common people, outside of academia, lived their collective memory much as you describe it. When academics began to get involved, it was about the victims. This was a dichotomy: elites talking about victims of the Germans, the "people" talking about their own victimhood. The narrative of the victims trickled into German public memory through the rhetoric of official commemoration and then, with the "Holocaust" film in the late 1970s, became mainstream. Then, later, starting in the 1990s, the academic elites discovered the Germans as perpetrators and now, for the last 10 years or so, the academic and cultural elites have started to re-mainstream the old public narrative of the 1950s. Meanwhile, the narratives of the Nazi victims have become totally mainstream.

When I look at the town I live in, when I see the memory of German victimhood as exemplified in the Volkstrauertag (People's Day of Mourning) and the public memorials for fallen soldiers and contrast it with Holocaust memory, I see no sign of the Gustloff narrative. I see the almost total irrelevance of German victimhood and the Holocaust as the core focus of memory. The only competing symbol is Dietrich Bonhoffer, who studied here and died as a member of the resistance.

I wonder if it is the so-called exception that proves the rule (an expression I have never really understood), an intentional thematic placement, or a coincidence. But this week's Der Spiegel cover story would have fit right in the middle of the Goldhagen debates of the mid 1990s. It reads, Debatte um NS-Verbrechen. DIE TÄTER. Warum so viele Deutsche zu Mördern wurden.

Michael Prince (anonymous) - Thu Mar 13, 14:16

The point here, I believe, isn’t that films like Die Gustloff represent an exact recapitulation of earlier postwar perspectives. But they are more than mere entertainments. They are memory events. As such, they set certain standards – benchmarks, if you will – that in turn influence what comes after. It is unclear exactly where this may heading as far as Germany’s culture of memory is concerned. But it clearly constitutes a problematic development – as evidenced by the concerns and objections raised by the likes of Norbert Frei, Harald Walzer, Volker Hage and Hannes Heer, among others.

Obviously Germany’s culture of memory, as currently constituted, is different from the one that held sway from the late 40s through the early 60s. Things change, as the saying goes. But the problem is, they continue to change. No one can impose a straitjacket on how the past will be interpreted in the future. Despite the wishes of historians that they be allowed final judgment in these matters, oftentimes a certain Volkswille insists on expressing itself. There was a time in the American South, hard though it may be to believe, when the Civil War did not have the sort of resonance that it has today. During the first couple of decades after that war, the South demonstrated only modest interest in commemorating it. The major commemorative events in the South did not occur until the 1880s and 90s. This, too, eventually faded, causing the Civil War again to slip from active memory. There was no talk of “southern heritage,” little commemoration of glorious battles won and tragic defeats suffered, no organizations (other than the Sons and Daughters of the Confederacy) dedicated to defending southern ways or the southern perspective on the past. The Confederate battle flag did not fly proudly from flagpoles in front of homes across the region. All these phenomena came into being following the Second World War – and many of them only over the past twenty years.

In Germany, too, the pendulum continues to swing. The attention given in the 1960s through the 1980s to Germany’s wartime crimes came, in large measure, as a reaction to the indifference shown toward those aspects of past evidenced during the first two decades after the war. Now we may be seeing a reaction to that, as some rediscover or reassert the Germans-as-victim narrative in response to the previous focus on Germany’s victims. Clearly, there existed throughout an undercurrent of memories different from the prevailing public memory culture (at least among the wartime generation) that surfaced in private conversations. I was struck time and again during my earliest visits in Germany during the 1980s at how often older Germans would raise (without prompting) the issue of the Allied air attacks against civilians or allegedly poor treatment of German POWs by American soldiers. The impulse to see German suffering first and foremost persisted.

As the last of the wartime generation dies out, the immediacy of these memories will inevitably decline. But, even so, the (familial) bonds between one generation of Germans and another may still trump those that exist between Germans and non-Germans. It is unclear what effect this will have on Germany’s culture of memory as a whole. What sort of re-mix may emerge is unknown. But it is unlikely that the German perspective on the past will remain fixed in stone.
mhatlie - Thu Mar 13, 21:43

You write, I was struck time and again during my earliest visits in Germany during the 1980s at how often older Germans would raise (without prompting) the issue of the Allied air attacks against civilians or allegedly poor treatment of German POWs by American soldiers. The impulse to see German suffering first and foremost persisted.

I almost told such a story of my own when posting my comment. I entered the German workforce in 1988. There were still Wehrmacht veterans and, of course, a lot of people who had been children during the war, in the company I worked for. One guy repeatedly "volunteered" his account of having been evacuated from Bremen as part of the program to move children out of areas threatened by Allied air bombardment. And it was there that I first heard the stories - which I would love to be able to trace back to their origins in fact or myth - of Allied fighter aircraft strafing women pushing baby carriages. I had the impression it was at least in part a defensive reaction against the implicit thing that I represented: Taking the opportunity to tell some young person who, because he comes from America, most certainly feels he was on the right side of history, that the Allied side had "Dreck am Stecken" as well and that the Nazis weren't the only crooks. At the time, I did not perceive it as a victim narrative.

Your follow up also reminds me of what we now think of Napoleon. During his reign he was considered by many to be a horrible war monger, the Anti-Christ. For much of the 19th century he was considered the scorge of Europe. Now, we look back and see a brilliant military strategist and perhaps somewhat arrogant monarch who both usurped the Revolution and spread it to other countries. Because of the bloodbaths since then, and the fact that biological memory is now gone several times over, the few hundred thousand who died in the wars of that period no longer appear at the core of the stories about him. Perhaps the French still battle over his legacy and memory. I don't know. I don't think anyone else does, however.

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This blog grew out of the sites-of-memory.de project. It features impressions and analysis of past and present memorial culture.

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